Jews throughout the world are
have been feeling immense anxiety due to the capture of three Israeli teens, Naftali
Frenkel, Gilad Shaar and Eyal Yifrach.
Our friends who live in
Ranaana, a suburb of Tel Aviv, described how their son, currently serving in
the Israeli Army, was called back to his base on Shabbat morning, possibly in
order to join his fellow paratroopers doing house-to-house searchers for the kidnapped
teens in Hebron.
People of good will, Jewish
and non-Jewish, are praying for the safe release of these teens. For the first few days, the only
reactions I saw were prayers on behalf of the young men and supportive words
for their families.
And then, as the week wore
on, people started to express their opinions regarding this situation and its
larger context.
And I began to think that the
way people view the tragic abduction of these three men is kind of Rorschach
test for people’s overall perspectives and politics.
In this corner – Samuel
Heilman, Professor at Queens College, writing that he blames the yeshiva where
these boys were studying for not providing adequate armored buses to transport
students from one place to another.
And in this corner – Avraham Burg
writing an article for the left-leaning Ha’aretz newspaper titled, “The Palestinians: A kidnapped society.” In it he argues that Israeli society by
and large has become desensitized to the pain caused to an entire people
through the occupation. He writes,
“All of Palestinian society is a kidnapped society. Like many of the Israelis who performed significant service
in the army, many of the readers of this column, or their children, entered the
home of a Palestinian family in the middle of the night by surprise, with
violence, and simply took away the father, brother or uncle, with determination
and insensitivity. That is
kidnapping, and it happens every day.”
(Ha’aretz, June 18, 2014)
And he goes on to blame the
Israeli government for not making genuine gestures toward reconciliation.
As I often do, I find myself
reading both articles and saying, “really?!”
Both authors, in different
parts of the political spectrum, seem to me to be succumbing to a fallacy, a
very seductive fallacy that we can all fall prey to because it gives us comfort
in a complicated and messed-up world.
For our purposes, I’ll call it the “if only” fallacy.
Though neither author stated
it explicitly, I believe the implication is strong enough that I’d like to
frame it forthrightly.
For Heilman – if only the
yeshivot would provide more security.
If only the young men would be transported back and forth in armored
buses. And now, my extrapolation –
if only we would build the walls higher, make the buses more invincible, this
sort of thing wouldn’t happen.
For Burg – if only we would
be more forthcoming with the Palestinians, more mindful of their rights, more
agreeable regarding negotiations, this sort of thing wouldn’t happen.
Now I’m going to circle back
to their comments, I promise you.
But for the next few minutes,
I want to explore the seduction, and ultimate frustration, of “if only” as it
relates to Biblical times and a few modern applications, including the one with
which I began.
A few men approach Moses and
Aaron and say, כל העדה כולם קדושים kol ha’eida kulam k’doshim. The whole people are holy. למה תתנשאו על קהל ה׳ Lama titnas’u al k’hal adonai. Why were you raised up over God’s congregation?
In other words, everyone is
special. By what right do you get
to be the leader?
Possibly, as Moses mentioned,
the men were gluttons for power.
Not content with being Levites, already a prestigious designation, they
wanted to be priests, Kohanim, the next level up.
What follows is a showdown
between Moses and Aaron and these men, led by Korach. In the end, Moses and Aaron
win. The earth swallows up Korach
and the men in a scene that might inspire Quentin Tarantino
Now Moses had endured numerous threats to his authority and the seduction of “if only”
might well have been powerful for him.
If only the men who are challenging my authority would be removed,
somehow, so I don’t have to deal with them any more.
But as any leader knows,
managing opposition is not so simple.
There were challenges to Moses’s authority before Korach and there were
challenges after Korach.
Because the underlying
dynamic is fraught. Charting a
course for a group of people is complicated and authority is always
challenged. How do you find the right
balance between empowerment and structure? How do you recognize everyone’s legitimate spark but also
provide a framework that doesn’t devolve into anarchy?
Sure, you can swallow up
everyone who disagrees, but then the only people you’ll have left are those who
are thoroughly submissive and what kind of a society do you have then?
Fast forward through later Israelite history and you see the gradual emergence of a balance of powers.
You have, for much of
Israelite history, the prophet, the priest and the king. Samuel anoints King Saul, and later
King David. The prophet Nathan gives
King David a what for when he sends an innocent man to death as a cover-up for
his illicit behavior.
The “if only we can remove
the opposition” evolves into “perhaps there is something to be learned from the
opposition, perhaps we can find appropriate balances that create a thoughtful,
self-reflective kingdom, society, family.”
I want to challenge each of
us this morning to look carefully at ourselves and to ask, what are our “if
only”s? What are the simple
answers that we take refuge in because it’s easier than facing complex realities?
If only my spouse would clean
up, speak up, not speak up.
If only my struggling child
had a different teacher/school/set of friends.
If only I had a different
job.
If only I had more of this or
that.
If only the synagogue would
do this or that.
Sometimes certain changes are
necessary and helpful, but something as complicated as a marriage, a child, a
professional path, a congregational community is seldom transformed by a single
gesture or strategic move.
This is true in so many
areas. And while I do want us to
think about our personal circumstances, I’d like to bring us back to the three
young men whose parents are worried sick about their well-being as we can well
understand from one vantage point or another.
Adding security measures to
transportation to and from the yeshiva will not guarantee students’ safety. I understand Professor Heilman’s insistence
on better security measures, but a yeshiva located in the West Bank is
precarious by nature. His “if
only” seems to disregard the larger context.
At the same time, it seems to
me that making strides toward a two-state solution is no guarantee of safety on
either side of the Green Line. Though
I find Avraham Burg’s equation of the removal of Palestinians suspected of
violent activity from their homes with the abduction of students that no one
suspects of anything to off-base and offensive, I personally hope that Israel
will continue to pursue negotiations with Palestinian leadership willing to
recognize the reality of Israel’s existence. But unfortunately, I don’t see that as a guarantee of
security, especially with a deepening role for Hamas within Palestinian
leadership. As I quoted a few
months ago, Yossi Klein-Halevi wrote that for most Israelis, there are two
nightmares. One is what will
happen if there isn’t a Palestinian state. The other is what will happen if there is.
Of course there are hopeful
indications. The uncle of one of the boys, who works in the computer industry,
described how he’s been receiving calls of support from Jewish and Muslim
co-workers alike. In the basic
human capacity for empathy and good will lies our hope.
While I have reflected on the
limitations of “if only” thinking, I would like to conclude with a few “if
only”s that I believe have merit.
If only sanity would prevail
on both sides of this conflict.
If only our prayers would be
answered and the three boys would be able to return to their families.
If only, in so many different
realms, we could turn corners and begin to achieve positive results.
“If only” is seldom enough,
but it’s often an auspicious beginning.
Originally delivered at Temple Israel of Great Neck on June 21, 2014, Parashat Korach
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